Author: Zaza Doborjginidze

The pre-election banners of the Georgian Dream, where buildings destroyed in the war in Ukraine are compared to Georgian buildings, were rightfully condemned by many as immoral. However, as immoral and unacceptable they are to the opposition's supporters, they serve as additional motivation for potential Georgian Dream voters, who fear that the opposition coming to power would lead to war. It’s one thing to talk about peace, but quite another to directly generate fear through visual images of war, which strip people of their sense of security and evoke the fear of violent death — the most fundamental human instinct. 

According to GD, there is a shadowy organization they refer to as the 'Global war party'—similar to the concept of a deep state—whose goal is to incite a war between Georgia and Russia and the only figure standing in its way is Bidzina Ivanishvili, who defies this global conspiracy. Traditional scare tactic of the "Bloody Nationals (UNM)" is no longer effective enough to contain dissatisfaction, so the entire opposition must now be portrayed as carrying out foreign interests to start a war. This is why, alongside the National Movement, the banners also display the numbers of other opposition parties.

On September 29, the Mayor of Tbilisi and the Executive Secretary of the Georgian Dream party, Kakha Kaladze, said that there is a significant danger of opening a "second front" in Georgia: "Considering the current global situation, there is a great danger that a second front could be opened in Georgia. Radical groups and their patrons are inclined toward this. These processes did not start today. We openly started talking about the threats and blackmail that existed, suggesting that the country would be drawn into sanctions. That is why it is important for the Georgian Dream to secure a constitutional majority," he said.

American cognitive linguist George Lakoff argues that framing shapes our perceptions by activating mental structures that influence how we interpret information. It brings unconscious beliefs into the surface and repeats them until they become embedded in public discourse. A notable example is the emergence of the term “tax relief” during George W. Bush's presidency. This phrase quickly infiltrated public dialogue, often repeated to the extent that even liberals began to adopt it.  The “relief” suggests the existence of an affliction, portraying taxpayers as victims in need of salvation, while positioning those who oppose this notion as villains obstructing their rescue.

This tactic of political framing is far from new. In ancient Rome, Octavian masterfully reshaped public perception during his rivalry with Mark Antony by casting Antony's alliance with Cleopatra as a betrayal of Roman values. He even published Antony’s will, revealing Antony’s desire to be buried in Alexandria instead of Rome. This shifted the narrative from a mere civil war to a defense of Roman traditions against foreign influence. By relentlessly reinforcing this message, Octavian swayed both public and Senate opinion against Antony, ultimately leading to his victory on the battlefield. Fast forward to 2024 Georgia, and we see a similar tactic from the Ruling Party Georgian Dream, whose ultimate goal is to frame the election as a ‘referendum between war and peace.  This is reflected not only in the legislation, or fear-mongering pre-election banners, but also in routine propaganda: 

For effective Framing, you need this message to be repeated in every context. Consider the recent failed negotiations between Mamuka Khazaradze’s "Strong Georgia" coalition and Giorgi Gakharia’s "For Georgia" party. State media was quick to frame these talks as orchestrated by foreign powers, and when the negotiations failed, the narrative changed to: “Khazaradze and Gakharia had disobeyed foreign directives.” Imedi TV even published a photo of Gakharia meeting a representative from the IRI, captioning it “Representative from IRI reprimanded Gakharia for Not obeying foreign directive.” GD had laid the groundwork for this narrative long before negotiations began, framing the opposition as pawns of foreign interests. A quote from Zaza Shatirishvili, a close associate of Bidzina Ivanishvili, circulated widely in state media since 2023: "It is obvious that the United States is trying to create a new pseudo-moderate political wing by unifying Khazaradze and Gakharia." The unexpected opening of the negotiations with a public briefing by Salome Zourabishvili, without agreement among the parties, shortly before the submission of lists and elections, forced both political entities into a chaotic process, harming both and feeding the propaganda machine of the ruling party once again. 

Although all of this may sound like a deranged conspiracy, the reason why the propaganda resonates with voters is not only that people fear war and Georgian Dream provides a sense of security, but also The opposition's lack or counter-propaganda and their frequent militaristic and emotional statements about Russia provide material for government propaganda, allowing it to frame the election as a "referendum between peace and war."

For example, former Public Defender Nino Lomjaria’s remark at a demonstration, "I may prefer bombs falling from the sky to this kind of disgrace," and UNM foreign speaker’s, Zurab Tchiaberashvili’s  remark “Yes I want War” was widely broadcast by the state media and even quoted directly by Ivanishvili to paint the opposition as warmongers. Additionally, some opposition figures supported sending arms to Ukraine or imposing sanctions on Russia, which could hurt Georgia’s economy. Ukrainian officials’ remarks about invading breakaway regions like Abkhazia and Ossetia have further damaged the opposition’s standing, playing into GD’s narrative of external interference. Even the presence of foreign politicians at anti-government protests strengthens GD’s claims of foreign meddling. Comments from German politician Michael Roth, critical of the Georgian Orthodox Church, were seized upon by GD-controlled media, amplifying the ruling party's framing of the opposition as disconnected from Georgian values and traditions.

Crucial aspect of propaganda is to present opposition and NGO’s as enemies of Georgian Traditions. In Kakheti the opposition is at a disadvantage, primarily due to their frequent criticism of the revered King Erekle II, with some opposition-affiliated individuals labeling him as "pro-Russian" and "a traitor," which is historically misguided. In reality, Erekle II was a reformist and progressive ruler; if anyone should have been embraced by liberals and progressives, it’s him. Instead, GD has appropriated his image, attempting to position themselves as pragmatic leaders dedicated to avoiding war. The erection of a statue of Erekle will benefit the Dream party and resonate strongly with their target electorate.

Effective counter-propaganda is proactive communication. A great example of this is Barack Obama's 2008 speech on race, "A More Perfect Union." Obama's former pastor had made inflammatory statements about racism and the U.S. government, which were perceived as "anti-American" and posed a risk to Obama’s campaign. Obama’s team realized that this issue could be blown out of proportion and undermine his candidacy, so Obama himself raised the topic.  Instead of simply distancing himself or denying the issue, he used the speech to place it in a broader context—racial relations in America. What started as a personal scandal became the subject of national discussion and was met with widespread admiration. By addressing the matter head-on, he was able to control the narrative.

In Georgia, not only does the opposition lack this sort of proactive communication, but they often only realize the damage months after it’s done. In a functioning political environment, before GD even began its rhetoric about peace and fully capitalized on geopolitical instability, a competent opposition would have seen the threat and preemptively prevented GD from appropriating the peace narrative. Instead, on this topic and others, they became ideal targets for propaganda. They mocked the idea of peace, despite the fact that fear of war is a real concern for people, and culturally, we are a country where a toast to peace starts every gathering. They made radical emotional statements, which GD easily cherry-picked and incorporated into their own narrative.

The root of the problem is that no one in the opposition, or NGO sector tracks GD’s information complex. "Oh, I can't stand watching Government Media."  is something you often hear. “Well, it’s precisely because you can’t watch it that you’re in trouble.” – is my usual response.  Every opposition party should have not just one or two people, but whole teams tracking and predicting propaganda trends and working on this constantly.

Ultimately, the 2024 elections will be framed as two referendums: for the opposition, it’s a choice between democracy and autocracy; for GD, it’s a choice between war and peace. If the opposition hopes to succeed, they must break free from their echo chambers and engage with the underlying social dynamics in Georgia.