The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab) conducted a study titled "Undermining Ukraine: How Russia expended its global information operations in 2023", which investigates Russian media campaigns targeting Ukraine globally. The study also addresses the situation in Georgia:

In 2023, Russia continued to extend its information influence operations in Europe and the South Caucasus. The Kremlin has strategically capitalized on existing disagreements and developments within these areas to undermine Ukraine and enhance Russian influence on the ground, employing varying tactics based on the specific sociopolitical context for the target country. In EU countries, for example, sophisticated online operations such as the pro-Kremlin “Doppelganger” campaign advocated for the lifting of sanctions and presented Russian gas as vital for the EU economy; in Moldova, however, Russia cut Gazprom supplies and framed the pro-EU government and Ukraine as responsible for socioeconomic hardships.
We observed another common thread: the promotion of warmongering narratives, taking various forms but ultimately structured to foster domestic fears of war in targeted countries. In Poland and Ukraine, Russia attempted to sow discord in their partnership by spreading disinformation that Poland harbors hostile intentions toward Ukraine. In Moldova, Russian propaganda suggested that Moldovan and Ukrainian forces were planning to intervene in Moldova’s breakaway region of Transnistria. Similarly, since 2022, the Georgian government has exploited the fear of war with Russia as a means to diminish local support for Ukraine and advance its domestic political agenda. The DFRLab observed a similar trend in two South Caucasus countries, Georgia and Armenia. Despite Armenia’s strained relations with Russia, the country grew its trade relationship with Russia. In Georgia, the ban on direct flights to and from Russia was lifted and trade has increased since the February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, particularly in importing oil and gas. In both countries, propaganda campaigns attempted to manipulate the populace by drawing parallels with the situation in Ukraine, framing its path as leading inexorably to war. In Georgia, government propaganda went further by accusing the US Agency for International Development (USAID) of plotting a revolution, a narrative also promoted in Azerbaijan. 

Case study: Georgia

Following the February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Georgia increased its trade with Russia while simultaneously joining in international financial sanctions against Russia. Throughout that year, Russian products comprised a growing proportion of the oil and gas sector in the country, allowing economic-related narratives to flourish.
As the country prepares for parliamentary elections in the autumn of 2024, the ruling Georgian Dream party has heightened its rhetoric, amplifying anti-Western conspiracy theories about foreign-instigated coup attempts within the country. Following the start of the war, the ruling party intensified its anti-Western rhetoric and attempted to introduce controversial bills intended to crack down on civil society and independent media.
In May 2023, Russia lifted its ban on Georgian airline flights and abolished visa requirements for Georgian citizens. The Georgian government’s decision to resume flights to Russia drew criticism from the EU and Ukraine, as well as resulting in protests in Georgia. That same month, Tbilisi City Hall procured trucks worth more than four million GEL (approximately US$1,100,000) from the sanctioned Russian company Kamaz. On May 24, during the Qatar Economic Conference, Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili stated that the Georgian economy would face collapse if the country were to impose broad economic sanctions on Russia, even though Georgia was already imposing narrower financial sanctions on Russia.
On September 14, 2023, the United States imposed sanctions targeting various sectors of Russia’s economy. The list also included Otar Partskhaladze, a former prosecutor general of Georgia who is part of Georgian oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili’s close inner circle. Partskhaladze was sanctioned alongside Aleksandr Onishchenko, an officer in Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB). In its sanctions announcement, the US Department of State noted, “Onishchenko and the FSB have leveraged Partskhaladze to influence Georgian society and politics for the benefit of Russia. Partskhaladze has reportedly personally profited from his FSB connection.”
Later that fall, Georgia’s State Security Service (SSSG) claimed, as reported by independent Georgian media outlet Civil.ge, that groups inside and outside of Georgia were “plotting to orchestrate destabilization and civil unrest in the country” with an aim of “forcible overthrow of the government” and “a scenario similar to the ‘Euromaidan’ protests held in Ukraine in 2014.” In a follow-up statement, the SSSG accused USAID of funding a program that brought Serbian trainers to Georgia in order to train local activists in violent tactics to overthrow the country’s government. Later, Russian and Azerbaijani pro-government outlets exploited these accusations to further spread conspiracies blaming the United States for arranging revolutions abroad.